33:64 presents
We get the democracy we deserve. What we did or didn’t do to arrive at this sorry state is ultimately irrelevant. Be that as it may, we are where we are and where we are is up shit creek. Not only do we not have a paddle, but boat is so flimsy not even migrants would attempt to cross the channel in it. The last few hours bear this out.
Stymied’s predicament sums it up. He’s a weak leader, he’s out of his depth, he’s this and that. He commands no respect within the parliamentary labour party (PLP) – the MPs in Westminster – so he’s effectively a dead man walking. Only he doesn’t know it yet, but everyone else does. And how do we come to know do this? Because the media tell us. And because they relentlessly promote this narrative, it becomes true. They report on polls, which really only prove how effective their ceaseless castigating of him has been. These polls help create the bandwagon effect; everyone wants to back the winner. An unelected cadre of people with either obscene wealth, or who all went to Oxbridge, quite possibly both, have decided his fate. They are the real influencers. The only people they’re answerable to are their shareholders or subscribers and they tend not to ask to many questions.
But his early retirement is all but a certainty. I’m posting this at 5.15pm on Thursday 12th of Feb so by time anyone reads this, he may already be gone. And his departure will again underline just how illusory our democracy really is. When he goes, will a general election be immediately announced? Will the PLP decide that given it was Stymied who won a mandate – however thin – from the electorate, whoever they elect as their new party leader, will have to earn new mandate from the electorate. Especially considering that it is being feverishly being speculated that the PLP will elect a new leader more traditionally left wing than Stymied ever was. Meanwhile, back in the real world..
They might convince themselves that as they were elected, it is they that have a mandate as individual MPs from the electorate and so collectively they have every right to do so. But then one might unhelpfully remember the outrage among the PLP when the Conservatives did that with following their ousting of Boris’s Johnson to first of all foist Lettuce and then Prada on us.
But whoever it is, maybe Moribund, Drizzle or someone who isn’t even a household name in their own household, they’ll do whatever it takes to keep the PLP, the membership and the grassroots activists happy. Not the electorate. They only really matter once every five years and then only if they live in a marginal seat. A marginal is defined as a seat where a shift in the vote by about 2% could win it for any of the main parties. There were 46 of them. This definition you’ll not be surprised to learn, was created before the 2024 election based on the result of the 2019 one. But with the explosion of Reform onto the political landscape, together with a newly invigorated Green Party and the increasingly faith based identity politics of The Muslim Vote (TMV), now most of 650 parliamentary seats could be considered marginal.
TMV are, according to their website, ‘focused on seats where the Muslim vote can influence the outcome.’ They focus almost exclusively on the candidates faith and encourage the Muslim electorate to vote on that basis alone. They are remarkably effective. In the 2024 general election, four independent MPs in constituencies with a significant Muslim electorate were elected. In the forthcoming Gorton and Denton by-election they might prove decisive. Gorton and Denton has a Muslim population of 28%. Their numerical size increases when one considers that less than half of the electorate voted at the last election and a fraction over half of them voted for the winner.
TMV are supporting the Green candidate. That in itself is a contradiction of the very highest order. As Rakib Eshan observed in an article for spiked last year ‘The problem is that the two camps were never remotely aligned on other key issues. These include rights and protections for sexual minorities (such as same-sex marriage), the degree to which queer rights and queer theory should be taught in school, and the sanctity of life – both in terms of abortion and assisted dying. It is no secret that British Muslims are more conservative on these issues compared even with the general population, let alone the progressive left.’
Again, this is another problem for democracy. It renders it it less an illusion of democracy but an illusion of an illusion. If an electorate is being encouraged to vote on what they perceive to be religious grounds, how is that not a recipe for disaster. And imagine for a second if Reform played that trick, encouraged white voters to vote according to their perceived racial identity? There’d be all manner of unmannerliness.
Ah, Reform and their own unique understanding of what democracy is. A betrayal of the British people is, so Farrago repeatedly tells us, when the Brexit referendum result isn’t carried out, and when both main opposition parties actively call for another one. But a betrayal of the British people is not when two MP’s – Ozempic and Cowardly – who were elected as Conservatives, defect to Reform and don’t call for a by election. How are they not essentially the same? It is baffling the way in which Farrago’s schooldays are forensically scrutinised over by the media for evidence of something to traduce him with, when a quite breathtaking hypocrisy is passing by without comment.
All in all, its a wonder that the illusion still works, that enough people still believe in democracy for it to function. Or perhaps they don’t. That they intuitively know that it matters not whether they believe in it or not, that regardless, it will happen. And that the sooner they find a way to accept that, the happier – or less angry- their life will become.